Photojournalist Has No Privacy Protection Act Claim Where Search Was Supported By Probable Cause

In a decision released this week, a panel of the Fourth Circuit affirmed the decision of the Eastern District of Virginia holding that a photojournalist had no claim under the federal Privacy Protection Act for a search of the journalist’s home conducted pursuant to a warrant, where law officers had  probable cause to believe the journalist was involved in a crime.

The plaintiff in Sennett v. U.S., No. 11-1421 (4th Cir. Jan. 30, 2012), was a photojournalist who routinely covered protests, political demonstrations, and acts of “grassroots activism” and published her images under the name “Isis.” In her complaint, she alleged that her work was published in the mainstream media as well as on her own blog and on other websites.

In April 2008, the plaintiff was covering what she believed to be a demonstration at the International Monetary Fund’s annual meeting at a hotel in Washington, D.C. Acting on a tip, she arrived at the scene at approximately 2:30 a.m. and videotaped the demonstration.

Ultimately, the protest became criminal, though the plaintiff claimed no knowledge of the protesters’ plan to destroy private property. The protesters entered the hotel lobby, set off firecrackers and pyrotechnics, threw paint-filled balloons, and shattered a large glass window, causing an estimated $200,000 or more in damage.

Officials with the FBI Joint Terrorism Task Force investigating the incident reviewed surveillance video from the hotel and noticed a woman wearing a light beret, black combat boots, and a dark backpack and carrying a small handheld camera, apparently photographing the incident. The woman was seen arriving at the same time as the protesters, standing outside the hotel with some in the group while other protesters entered the lobby, and leaving with or in the same general direction as the protesters. After watching video of earlier demonstrations and seeing a woman in similar clothing, and relying on two confidential informants, law officers identified the woman as the plaintiff.

Officials sought and received a warrant to search the plaintiff’s home and seize any items related to the IMF protest as well as clothing and virtually any device that would store video or photographs. Several items were seized, including a hard drive containing thousands of photos.

The plaintiff was never charged or arrested as a result of the investigation.

The plaintiff later filed a claim against the federal government and the officer who sought and obtained the search warrant alleging violations of the Privacy Protection Act, 42 U.S.C. § 2000aa et seq. 

Generally speaking, the PPA prohibits the federal government from conducting searches and seizing "any work product materials possessed by a person reasonably believed to have a purpose to disseminate to the public a newspaper, book, broadcast, or other similar form of public communication."  The law is designed to prevent, among other things, newsroom searches.

Congress enacted the PPA in response to a 1978 decision of the U.S. Supreme Court, Zurcher v. Stanford Daily, 436 U.S. 547, which held, essentially, that journalists have no more protection against unreasonable searches and seizures under the Fourth Amendment than do ordinary citizens. In Zurcher, the Supreme Court held that the Fourth Amendment did not prohibit the search of a newspaper office (the Stanford University student paper) for photos revealing the identities of people who assaulted police officers during a demonstration. This was so even though no one from the newspaper was suspected of involvement in the incident. 

However, the PPA does not give journalists unlimited protection against searches and seizures. Among the exceptions in the statue is the “suspect exception,” which the government relied on in Sennett. This exception provides that “police can avoid the constraints of the [statute] . . . when the person possessing the materials is a criminal suspect, rather than an innocent third party.”

The Fourth Circuit panel affirmed the lower court’s decision on summary judgment that officials had probable cause to believe, under the totality of the circumstances, that the plaintiff had committed a criminal offense relating to the hotel incident. For example, she arrived with the protesters at the hotel and left the scene with or in the same general direction as the protesters.  While there may have been an innocent explanation for the plaintiff’s actions at the hotel---she was covering the incident as a journalist---according to the Fourth Circuit, this did not eliminate the existence of probable cause under the governing totality of the circumstances test.

Moreover, while the plaintiff claimed that officials knew she was a photojournalist and failed to reveal this in the affidavit supporting their request for a search warrant, according to the Fourth Circuit panel, even if true this cannot destroy the existence of probable cause without more. Quoting the district court, “to accept [plaintiff’s] argument that her status as a photojournalist is a game changer in the probable cause analysis . . . is tantamount to doing what Congress declined to do, namely exclude journalists from the PPA’s ‘suspect exception.’”

While the plaintiff’s job explained her presence on the surveillance video, the court found that other facts permitted officers to reasonably conclude she was involved in the vandalism of the hotel.

Additionally, the fact that she was never charged did not defeat the existence of probable cause, which is judged at the time the search is conducted---not later.

Journalists and photographers should keep the Sennett case in mind when covering protests and demonstrations against the financial industry, some of which have allegedly turned criminal. While the PPA offers some protection from searches and seizures, the PPA does not immunize the media from searches where officers have probable cause to believe the journalists have committed or participated in criminal acts.  The Sennett case makes clear that, in the view of the Fourth Circuit panel, someone's status as a journalist does not automatically render him or her above suspicion in a criminal investigation.

WikiLeaks Controversy Could Impact Newsgathering

The recent disclosure of reams of classified diplomatic cables by WikiLeaks has sparked outrage among leaders on both sides of the aisle in Washington, outrage that may negatively impact the gathering and dissemination of the news.  There are already indications that Congress could take steps to sanction the publication of certain classified information, moving beyond the current regime in which the confidential source, if exposed, faces the greatest legal exposure.

The website WikiLeaks was founded in 2006 by Julian Assange, and its purpose is to publish documents obtained from anonymous sources.  Since its founding, the website has disclosed publicly a range of classified or otherwise unavailable documents, including documents relating to the U.S. detention facilities at Guantanamo Bay, the war in Iraq, and the war in Afghanistan, Sarah Palin, and climate change. WikiLeaks has won a variety of awards, including from the Economist and Amnesty International.

WikiLeaks took center stage internationally last week when it exposed hundreds of thousands of pages of classified U.S. diplomatic cables.  The leak opened for all to see U.S. diplomatic strategy with respect to a host of regions, countries, and issues.  Because of attacks on WikiLeaks' website, the disclosure was accomplished by providing the documents to prominent international media outlets, including the Guardian and the New York Times.  The two newspapers maintain archives of stories and summaries relating to the leaks here and here, respectively.  Secretary of State Hillary Clinton denounced the disclosure:

This disclosure is not just an attack on America's foreign policy; it is an attack on the international community, the alliances and partnerships, the conventions and negotiations that safeguard global security and advance economic prosperity.

Rep. Peter King of New York called for WikiLeaks to be designated as a terrorist organization.

The response by U.S. officials and politicians has not stopped with words.  The WikiLeaks website has been subjected to repeated hacks and other attacks.  The United States and other governments, such as France, have put pressure on the companies hosting WikiLeaks' servers to take them down, and they otherwise have attempted to make WikiLeaks difficult to access.  In particular, U.S. Senator Joe Lieberman, chair of the Homeland Security Committee, pressured Amazon to pull WikiLeaks from its servers, and earlier this week it did so.  Just today, the U.S. federal government blocked access to WikiLeaks for federal workers.

These moves have sparked intense debate, with the Electronic Frontier Foundation and other free speech organizations criticizing the U.S response to the leak as censorship akin to the pressure put by the Chinese government on Google.  As these organizations point out, government interference with access to websites containing leaked classified documents may be tantamount to a prior restraint and thus may violate the First Amendment principles articulated in the Pentagon Papers case, which involved a high-profile leak of classified documents concerning the Vietnam War.  In the digital age, is a government-led effort to take information it does not want to be public off the servers hosting that information substantively different from government seeking a court order barring the print publication of that same information?  The WikiLeaks controversy may put that distinction, if one can be made, to the test.

Senator Lieberman has also proposed amending the federal Espionage Act "by making it illegal to publish the names of human intelligence informants (HUMINT) to the United States military and intelligence community."  Criminalizing the publication of information is of course a change in kind from the criminalization of a governmental official's improper disclosure of classified information in his or her possession.  Doing so would represent an encroachment upon the traditional principle that absent truly extraordinary circumstances, if otherwise confidential information is received by a news organization, its publication cannot be prevented or sanctioned.

Finally, the WikiLeaks controversy is also likely to lead to renewed efforts to discover the identity of confidential sources who leak classified information.  This may well complicate the long-running efforts to pass a federal shield law in Congress, which we have reported upon previously.

High-profile leaks of classified information put our commitment to a free press to the ultimate test.  We will continue to monitor the various ways in which this most recent instance might affect the gathering and publication of the news going forward.

 

President Obama's Budget Funds FOIA "Ombudsman"

In a recent post, we reported that President Obama issued a Freedom of Information Act memorandum directing executive departments and agencies to administer FOIA with a presumption in favor of openness and a memorandum calling for transparency in government. President Obama recently took an additional step that appears to provide evidence of the administration’s continued commitment to open government: On February 26, 2009, President Obama submitted a budget for fiscal year 2010 that includes $1 million for the new Office of Government Information Services that would serve as an “ombudsman” for FOIA requests.

OGIS dates back to December 31, 2007, when President Bush signed the OPEN Government Act that created this new office. The OPEN Government Act expressly provides that OGIS is to be located within the National Archives and Records Administration (see Section 10). The statutory purpose of OGIS is to review the FOIA policies and procedures of government agencies, review the agencies' FOIA compliance, recommend policy changes to Congress and the President, and offer mediation services to resolve disputes between persons making FOIA requests and agencies (mediation under the act is a nonexclusive alternative to litigation). According to Sen. Patrick Leahy, who sponsored the act, Congress “placed OGIS in the apolitical National Archives to enhance this office’s independence, so that all Americans can be confident that their FOIA requests would be addressed openly and fairly.”

Only weeks after President Bush signed the OPEN Government Act, the Bush administration submitted a budget for fiscal year 2009 that attempted to locate OGIS to the Department of Justice and that provided no funding for the office. Some criticized the Bush plan as an untenable conflict of interest—how could Justice impartially police FOIA compliance when it is the agency responsible for defending lawsuits brought against the government under the act? Others accused the Bush administration of trying to circumvent the OPEN Government Act and to render the newly created OGIS powerless.

Now, under the Obama budget plan, OGIS would be housed in the National Archives and Records Administration, as required by the OPEN Government Act, and it would be funded with $1 million. The establishment and funding of OGIS is not yet final as Congress has not yet completed the budget process, but President Obama’s proposed funding for and location of the office is a step in the right direction for advocates of openness.  For additional commentary and critique of President Obama's performance in the area of government openness, see this recent article from the New York Times.