Italian Prime Minister Accused of Using Libel Lawsuits to Pressure Journalists

Rachel Donadio wrote recently about Italy's litigious Prime Minister, Silvio Berlusconi.  In three separate stints as Prime Minister, Berlusconi has himself instituted at least two defamation lawsuits against his critics, and a third has been brought by a close associate.

These lawsuits include an action Berlusconi brought in Italy in July 2001 against the British weekly publication The Economist.  The Economist has been a frequent critic of Berlusconi's administrations, and his lawsuit centered upon an article about Berlusconi that appeared in an April 2001 issue of the magazine.  The cover of that issue bore the title "Why Silvio Berlusconi is unfit to lead Italy."  In September of this year, a court in Milan ruled in The Economist's favor and ordered Berlusconi to pay approximately $35,000 in costs.  The court's judgment, in Italian, is available here.  Berlusconi also sued a journalist with The Economist, David Lane, for his 2004 book "Berlusconi's Shadow."  The trial court likewise ruled against Berlusconi in his lawsuit against Lane.

More recently, a close associate of Berlusconi's brought a defamation action against Alexander Stille, an American critic.  In 2006, Stille published a book about Berlusconi entitled Sack of Rome: How a Beautiful European Country with a Fabled History and a Storied Culture Was Taken Over by a Man Named Silvio Berlusconi.  According to Donadio, the plaintiff in the lawsuit against Stille, who is the chairman of Berlusconi's Mediaset network, "objected to Stille's having reported that he was investigated in 1993 for illegal financing of the Socialist Party, without also noting that he was later cleared of those charges" and objected to Stille's claim that "Berlusconi 'has fused his business and private life almost totally,' as evidenced by his appointing [the plaintiff], 'his oldest childhood friend,' to run Mediaset."  The Italian court has yet to issue a ruling in this lawsuit.

Although Berlusconi was not successful in his actions against The Economist and Lane, Donadio reports that succeeding in court may not have been Berlusconi's primary goal in bringing those legal actions.  She writes:

But Stille and others contend that the point is not to win a judgment as much as to intimidate journalists and news outlets with the prospect of a lengthy and expensive court proceeding if they write something unfavorable. "For each of these suits, you may affect the behavior of another 100 journalists," Stille added.

Such litigation seems to have an effect.

Lane, of The Economist, said he was considering cutting all references to Berlusconi in the Italian — but not the British — edition of his forthcoming book on the Mafia. "I'm too tired of spending my own money," he said. "There are no medals to be won by being sued by Berlusconi." 

The accusation that a prominent and powerful public figure uses lawsuits to influence media coverage and as leverage to intimidate journalists attests to the potentially chilling effect the cost and expense of libel litigation can have on speech.  In America, lawsuits designed to chill speech have been termed "strategic lawsuits against public participation" or "SLAPP" suits.  In an effort to combat the chilling effect strategic litigation brought by a powerful person or company can have, a number of states have enacted what are called "anti-SLAPP" statutes.  These statutes provide procedural protections to media defendants and others subject to such actions.

As we will discuss in greater detail in a future post, anti-SLAPP statutes vary in form from state to state but typically provide the defendant with an opportunity obtain an early ruling on the merits of the lawsuit, and, if the defendant prevails, may also provide the possibity of recovering attorneys' fees.  These protections can ease the burden of litigation on a media defendant, and they can operate as a deterrent to those who would bring SLAPP suits.  States that have anti-SLAPP statutes include California, Massachusetts, New York, Louisiana, Georgia, Rhode Island, Maine, Indiana, Delaware, Minnesota, Nebraska, and Washington.  Thus, if you are sued in a state with an anti-SLAPP statute, you may well have an important additional arrow in your quiver to use in defending yourself.

Hagan Drops Political Ad Lawsuit; Coleman Suit Dismissed

In a prior post, we reported upon the institution of legal actions in the midst of two high-profile U.S. Senate campaigns.  There were important developments in both matters yesterday.

As we reported, Kay Hagan instituted an action over a political ad run by North Carolina incumbent Elizabeth Dole.  Hagan, who ultimately won the race, filed a document in North Carolina state court contending that Dole's ad contained defamatory statements about her.  Yesterday, Hagan filed papers with the court dismissing her claim.

In Minnesota, incumbent Norm Coleman filed suit over a political ad run by his challenger, Al Franken.  The race for Coleman's seat remains uncalled, with Coleman maintaining a razor-thin 206 vote lead as the recount process begins.  Yesterday, an administrative law judge in Minnesota entered an order dismissing Coleman's complaint, a decision she reached after conducting a probable cause hearing on November 7, 2008.

In the order, the judge ultimately concluded that there "is not probable cause to believe [Franken] violated Minn. Stat. s. 211B.06," which prohibits a person from disseminating a false political advertisement that the person knows is false or is reckless as to its truth.  The decision examined a statement in the ad that Coleman had been "ranked the fourth most corrupt Senator in Washington" by an organization called the "Center for Responsibility and Ethics in Government,"   (The administrative law judge had previously concluded that another statement Coleman challenged, that he is "living almost rent free in a million dollar home of a Washington insider," fell outside the purview of the statute because it constituted opinion and could not be proved true or false).

The statement at issue was drawn from report prepared by the organization that named "the 20 most corrupt members of Congress."  The report also named four "dishonorable mentions," a list that included Coleman.  The list of twenty included three Senators, and Coleman was the only Senator among the "dishonorable mentions."  Neither list included numerals or any numbering scheme.  Coleman contended the statement in the ad that he was the "fourth most corrupt Senator" was false because he was not included on the organization's list of "20 most corrupt" members of Congress.  Coleman also pointed to a statement from the executive director of the organization that her group does not actually rank the persons on the list.  In response, Franken contended the statement was true because, as the executive director acknowledged, "96 other senators did not make the list at all."  Coleman also challenged the ad's characterization of the organization as a "bipartisan watchdog group," contending the group instead was "liberal leaning."

In concluding that Coleman had failed to establish probable cause of a statutory violation, the judge found the statement in the ad to be "substantially accurate, if not literally true in every detail."  According to the judge

[B]ased on the reference in CREW's Executive Summary to the 'list of 24,' there is an objective basis for the inference drawn in the Franken advertisement that Senator Coleman was the fourth Senator on the overall list of 24.

The judge also rejected Coleman's claim with respect to the characterization of CREW as a "bipartisan watchdog organization" on the grounds that it did not relate to the personal or political character of Coleman and, in any event, it constituted a non-actionable statement of opinion.  Given her conclusion that Coleman had failed to demonstrate the ad contained an actionably false statement about Coleman, it was unnecessary for her to address whether Franken acted recklessly or with knowledge of falsity.

Coleman has the right to seek reconsideration of the decision.